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Winston Dean S. Almeda

Department of Foreign Affairs



Submarines are among the most lethal weapons ever invented. Because of their ability to stay submerged and out of sight for long durations, they were fearsome. It was during World War II that the submarine came of age as a fighting machine. On both the Asiatic and European theaters of combat, they prowled virtually unstopped, sinking countless enemy ships.


In fact, while most of the U.S. navy’s surface ships took a beating at the outbreak of fighting, its submarines never faltered in delivering counterpunches against the enemy fleet. As U.S. and Allied control waned in the aftermath of Japanese expansion in the Far East, submarines became even more indispensable. This time, they were to continue the fight behind overrun territories. Added to their main task of attacking enemy shipping, American submarines took on an unexpected role.


Their ability to sneak past enemy defenses and patrols made them the perfect platform for secretly inserting spies and other covert agents, and supplying friendly forces with arms, radios and other logistic support. This was especially so in wartime Philippines.


This paper aims to study the role American submarines played in the Allied campaign to achieve military victory in the country. Specifically, it will examine the American submarines’ part in the anti-Japanese guerilla movement and efforts to provide Allied war planners with an informed view of conditions inside the isolated archipelago.










Calbi A. Asain, Ph.D.

Associate Professor and Dean

College of Arts and Sciences

Mindanao State University-Sulu

Sulu Province



            The parang sabil kissa, interchangeably referred to as ballads as well as epics, depending on their seriousness and length, are quite familiar to the Tausugs, the natives of the Sulu province. They are sung in order to perform a twofold function – to entertain and instruct. The singers of this oral tradition may be male or female, and most of them can be found in mainland Jolo.


            As literary materials, the parang sabil kissa are in verse whose lines rhyme, and the language used, which is Tausug or Bahasa Sug, has special intensity. These kissa are usually composed of several stanzas. When they are sung, the singer, usually a female, also plays the Tausug gabbang or native bamboo xylophone, accompanied with the biyula or native violin played by a male companion.


            As cultural materials, the parang sabil kissa reflect the life ways of the people, especially their values. Since they are handed down from one generation to the next, they can be considered as carriers of the Tausugs’ cultural heritage, which is the source of the people’s ethnic or cultural identity. Moreover, they do not only mirror the people’s customs across generations; they also preserve these in the process.


            As historical materials, the parang sabil kissa narrate the Tausugs’ historical experience and circumstances, especially the people’s repulsive reaction to the incursion of foreign invaders and their subsequent retaliatory actions and decisions in order to defend their freedom, homeland, and way of life. In contemporary history, some parang sabil kissa narrate the fate of the revolutionary movements and their leaders.


            This paper discusses the potentials and contributions of the parang sabil kissa to the study of the Tausug literature, culture, and history as part and parcel of the Filipino Muslim community and the Filipino nation as a whole.









Mary Lou F. Aurelio, Ph.D.

Mariano Marcos State University

Batac, Ilocos Norte



            The research “Documentation of Iloko Traditional Chants in the Life Cycle” is envisioned as a tool in the search for Ilocano identity. This documentary research was conducted not only to revive a dying Ilocano tradition but also to identify and define Ilocano culture, specifically Iloko folk music, with the ultimate goal of transmitting this unique culture to succeeding generations.


            The Iloko folk songs that are documented in this research were carefully selected to depict the celebrated events in the life cycle of Ilocanos. such as birth, love, courtship and marriage, and death. These are classified as duwayya (lullaby), dallot (courtship, betrothal, wedding and presenting the mat), and dung-aw (lamentation).


            The duwayya has only one melodic line that is repeated several times with a limited pitch compass. It is un-metered and the note representation is arbitrary, depending upon the chanter’s preference.


            The signature musical genre featured in this stage (love, courtship and marriage) of the Ilocano life cycle is called dallot. This is a poetic joust between singers, dallotero representing the groom’s side and dallotera representing the bride’s party. Dallot is sung to the accompaniment of native musical instruments like pito and kutibeng, a five-stringed Ilocano guitar. The melodic pattern features a sliding voice from high to a higher pitch, after which it becomes normal, followed by low tones, then back to high pitch. The wit and humor of the singers make the performance not a boring one.


            In the dung-aw, sincere sympathy and genuine grief are evident while tears gush down the cheeks of the wailing reciter who elicits a controlling influence on the listeners to grieve with her. It is elegiac in theme, poetical in rhyme and meter.


            This research project on Iloko music is envisioned as a permanent task for the nation, involving the collection, documentation, and research of data on traditional music, including performing them and transmitting and publishing folk music as scholarly endeavors.









Arnold M. Azurin




The paper starts with a critique of the Agoncillo-Constantino-Corpuz "national" historical narrative that has been over-focused on the Tagalogs' participation in the anti-colonialist struggle from the later part of the 1800s. Documentary evidence shall be arrayed to demonstrate the narrow and Tagalog-centric framework as arbitrary and overbearing on the earlier and longer participation of other regions in resisting the colonial rulers in order to establish self-rule. Why this historiographic orthodoxy has persisted for more than a century, thereby giving the Tagalog region an undeserved primacy in the reminiscence and imagination of the Filipino pantheon of "national heroes," shall be diagnosed as a case of "involuted nationalism" of one regional heritage foisted on the rest of the regional legacies.


The next portion of the paper shall be devoted to suggesting a reformulation of the foundational premises of nation building and nationalism with more sensitivity and reflexivity toward cultural plurality thriving across the entire archipelago. In other words, the real semiotic signification of the "Filipino" shall be historically retraced to antedate the "Kaharian ng Katagalugan" enunciated by the Katipuneros during the last decade of the 1800s. In sum, an outline of an inter-regional historiographic rendering shall be interwoven into the prospective large canvas of de-centered Philippine national history so as to emancipate the Filipino consciousness from the "internal colonialism" dominating the country via the national agencies based in Metro Manila. But the paper shall also note the problems of epistemology immanent in fleshing out or constructing this perspectival "reformation" in historical retrospection.









 Rolando O. Borrinaga. Ph.D.

Associate Professor

School of Health Sciences

University of the Philippines - Manila

Palo, Leyte



The Biliran Religious Revolt from 1765 to 1774 was probably the most successful native revolt against the Spanish regime in the Philippines. It seemed to have been the Asian equivalent of the Jesuit-inspired experiment in commune society among the Guarani Indians in South America during the same period. Yet it had not been included in our history textbooks, which had enumerated instead all the failed revolts of our ancestors.


Led by Padre Gaspar de Guevara, a Samar-born Catholic priest who broke away from the institutional church, and which enjoyed the tacit tolerance of the Spanish alcalde-mayor (governor) for the islands of Leyte and Samar (then comprising a single province), the decade-long Biliran Religious Revolt introduced a commune-style society that would be replicated by the Dios-Dios Movement in Leyte and Samar in the 1880s, during the revolution that ousted the Spaniards from this region, and later during the Pulahan Wars against the Americans. This native model of commune living, which is invoked by millenarian movements during dangerous times, is still being practiced by modern-day sects which heritage could be traced to Padre Gaspar’s influence.


            This paper describes the Biliran Religious Revolt and reconstructs its possible origins, its activities as can be inferred from documents and extant place names, and its impact on the entire Leyte-Samar region at the time.







 IN THE SILLIMAN TRUTH , 1903 – 1920



Earl Jude Paul L. Cleope, Ph.D.

Associate Professor

Department of History and Political Science

Silliman University

Dumaguete, Negros Oriental



The paper is an attempt to depict the American occupation in Negros by looking through the pages of the Silliman Truth, the first and sole periodical circulating in Negros Oriental during the early American period. Although the Silliman Truth was a campus publication of Silliman Institute (founded 1901), it also served as the community paper when it came off the press in 1903. This trilingual (English, Cebuano, and Spanish) periodical was circulated until 1920 and its pages offer a vivid description of the early American period in Negros.


At a glance, the periodical that was established by the American missionaries could be viewed as a tool that played a vital role in the American colonization process. Nevertheless, a thorough reading of the pages of the periodical would also showcase the legacy and hard work of the early American missionaries and civil servants who came to Negros. In addition, the ample information and descriptions given in the periodical text would yield data on the historical development of Negros during the early years of the American period.


Consequently, it is the modest aim of this paper to present the American period in Negros Oriental in a different way by looking into the pages of the Silliman Truth. With this perspective, the paper will attempt to look into how the American occupation made an impact on the political, social, economic, educational and cultural life of the Negrenses.









Sharon Delmendo, Ph.D.

St. John Fisher College

Rochester, New York, USA



The Axis and Allied powers waged World War II on both literal and figurative fronts.  With the technological advances of moving pictures and the development of film as a form of popular entertainment, both Axis and Allied governments developed highly sophisticated propaganda programs.  Government propaganda fought for popular support for their political and military agendas both at home and abroad, sustained military alliances, and waged psychological warfare against the enemy.  While the U.S. emerged from World War I with a severe distrust of government propaganda, after the Japanese attacks on December 7/8, 1941, the American government and Hollywood formed an unprecedented alliance to mobilize films for the war effort.


 In June 1942, Franklin Delano Roosevelt created the Office of War Information (OWI).  The OWI in turn created the Bureau of Motion Pictures (BMP), an organization that worked directly with Hollywood studios to facilitate the production of popular films to disseminate the government's war policies to the general population and military personnel.  The dividing line between fact and fiction, real-life military developments, and film storylines, the War Office and Hollywood, were highly permeable. Studio executives were provided military personnel to serve as "technical advisors" for films.  Films were provided free-of-charge to the military for the entertainment of the troops (the only industry to provide its product entirely free of charge to the government).  The government designated the Disney studio a 'key war production plant'" (by 1943, 94% of Disney's work was war-related).  Hollywood could even take credit for the capture of enemy troops.  In both the European and Pacific theaters, enemy soldiers became so enthralled in open-air showings of American films that they gave themselves away by applauding and were captured (Doherty 1993, 68, 77-78).  The line between the military and cinematic "theaters" became indistinguishable as the OWI/BMP and Hollywood studios developed an intensive relationship in the development, production, and promotion of films during the crucial war years of 1942-1945.


The OWI developed detailed guidelines for war films in general and the U.S. government's policies in specific geo-political areas.  The OWI generated meticulous guidelines for films both about and for the "Far East" and the Philippines, and rigorously criticized films in production and in their final versions for how well the films portrayed the government's political and ideological goals. 


This presentation will examine the OWI guidelines regarding films for and about the Philippines, analyzing how these guidelines reflected U.S. military priorities.  This presentation also will analyze what the OWI guidelines reveal about American attitudes toward Philippine sovereignty and the promised grant of independence set for July 4, 1946, toward the U.S.' colonial history in the Philippines, and how they helped set the stage (literally and figuratively) for post-war US-RP relations.



Work Cited: Doherty, Thomas.  Projections of War:  Hollywood, American Culture, and World War II.  NY:  Columbia University Press, 1993.










Maria Nela B. Florendo, Ph.D.

Professor and Vice-Chancellor for Academic Affairs

Division of Social Sciences

University of the Philippines - Baguio



As the Spanish colonial state undertook political consolidation, it also marked out unpacified areas as frontiers. In northwestern Luzon, this process resulted in the peripheralization of many Igorot settlements at the foot of the Gran Cordillera Central bordering the Ilocos. A survey of archival materials on the Ilocos consistently documented población census with the following categories: 1) Cristianos naturales and Ilocanos procedentes de otras provincias; 2) infieles reducidos; 3) infieles no reducidos. The settlements of the latter were called rancherías in contradistinction to the settlements of the Ilocano population which were called pueblos.   


What used to be fluid boundaries became spaces that defined ethnicities. Felix Keesing in The Ethnohistory of Northern Luzon (1962) identified three areas in the Ilocos, namely: Southern Ilocos consisting of La Union, present day southern section of Ilocos Sur, and the Kankanaey areas of the Cordillera; Middle Ilocos constituting the northern half of Ilocos Sur and Abra;  and Northern Ilocos corresponding to Ilocos Norte and the lowland areas of Isneg territory (Apayao).  It is also important to note that the Ilocos-Pangasinan area also embraced Ibaloi settlements of present-day Benguet.   More than defining borders, the purpose of this paper is to explore the dynamics that existed in space – social processes that evolved, e.g., ethnic construction and reconstruction, economic interactions,[1] and other negotiations.


While this paper is mainly on the Spanish period, it also attempts to locate historical confluences during the succeeding periods and trace continuities as Cordillera peoples define their space and identity/identities as people/peoples.   The paper treats the Ilocos as host to Igorot settlements, the spatial setting for ethnic reconstruction, and formation of Ilocano-Igorot interaction.









Francis A. Gealogo. Ph.D.

Associate Professor

Department of History

Ateneo de Manila University


            The early ideas that guided and governed the Iglesia Filipina Independiente in its early years of existence were mostly expressed in the writings of Isabelo de los Reyes and Gregorio Aglipay. In most instances, the ideas of the new church were expressed in various religious texts pertaining to doctrinal concerns, biblical exegesis, and methods of performing religious ceremonies and rituals, among others.  These texts were mostly written in Spanish, and were intended not only to clarify the position of the new church vis-a-vis the older institutions associated with the Roman Catholic church, but also to locate the positioning of Filipino religiosity in relation to other religious and political traditions of the world and. in turn, locate the experience of the formation of the Filipino nation in this religio-political world.


Ideas and conceptual formulations pertaining to nation construction, language and ethnicity, native anthropology, comparative regional religious history, as well as the role of science and rationality in clarifying religious issues, were all spelled out as part of the major explanations regarding the doctrines, beliefs and practices of the new church.  In this regard, the positive reception to the modern, secular, rational, and scientific nature of the origins and conditions of religious ideas and beliefs of the emerging Philippine society were considered as logical part in the explanation of the new doctrine.  Due to this secular orientation, therefore, locating the nation in this new mode of articulating the ideas of the church did not come unnaturally.  Religious nationalism grounded on logical and rational scientifism became the basis for the ideological articulation of the doctrines of the new church.


If bayan is to be articulated in this regard, science, reason, logic, and religiosity were to become the base ideas upon which nation construction is to be advanced by the Iglesia Filipina Independiente.  Recognizing the diversity of the various ethnic groups in the Philippines did not come as an obstacle for clarifying the need for nationalist religious unity as the then emerging science of anthropology and ethnography could very well indicate the degree of similarity and parallelism of the belief systems of the different Philippine communities.  On the other hand, locating Philippine religious traditions in relation to other universal religious traditions did not present itself as a barrier in setting the boundaries of the emerging nation, as the logic of biblical exegesis sought to define the unique and particular traditions of various nations and societies of the world while recognizing the validity of universal religious claims.  Lastly, articulating the popular claims of the emerging secular nation did not present itself as contradictory to the establishment of a new institutional church, as it presents itself as the representative of the religious aspirations of the local population and a distinct break from the previous dispensation dominated by a foreign religious hierarchy.









Honey Libertine R. Achanzar-Labor, Ph. D.

University of the Philippines Manila



In his study on the concept of the babaylan, Zeus Salazar states that the traditional social and economic structure of the Philippines revolved around three central figures: the datu, the panday, and the babaylan. The datu dealt with military and economic matters, the babaylan dealt with religion and medicine, while the panday dealt with matters technological. Although I agree with his conjecture that the panday encompassed the technological aspect of Philippine society, studies indicate that despite the distinction in roles, the boundaries of specialization in traditional Philippine society were much more fluid. The panday also dealt with matters both economic and spiritual and that, although also distinct, there was no dichotomy between the sacred and the secular in traditional Philippine society.


There is still a need, though, to expound further on the role of the Philippine panday as the expert in matters technological and in the production of material culture. Noticeably, although Salazar’s discourse on the datu and the babaylan is extensive and well-elaborated upon, only one paragraph was devoted to the panday. Clearly, the coverage and extent of the role of the panday in the production of material culture, the significance of this role in Philippine socio-cultural and political history, and how this role has been incorporated in the life of the townsfolk are matters that need to be considered and studied.










Rev. Fr. Ramon Danilo R. Laeda

Diocese of Laoag

Ilocos Norte



            In every Roman Catholic Parish, even those dating back to the Spanish colonial period, there is an archive where the Canonical Books are kept. The Canonical Books are the records of baptisms, marriages, confirmations, deaths, circulars, and accounts. These books are authentic sources to set records straight. The Book of Baptisms in Batac, for example, confirms, once and for all, that the birth date of Gregorio Aglipay was May 5, 1860. The same archives tell us that the original surname of Artemio Ricarte was “Dodon,” the Ilocano word for “grasshopper.”


The Book of Marriages is an important source of intermarriages among kin in one town in Ilocos Norte, which may explain the many psychopaths there.  The celebration of mass funerals from deaths caused by epidemics is information we can get from the Book of Deaths, while the Book of Confirmations gives us some clues as to the length of the interregnum from one ordained bishop to the other and also the frequency of episcopal visitation of the parishes. The Libro de Recibo y Gastos tells us the income and expenses of a certain parish, especially with regard to the constructions undertaken in the parish. The Libro de Ordenes Episcopales gives us a glimpse into the pastoral life of the Diocese, through the directives of the bishops addressing pastoral concerns.


            These Canonical Books can go beyond their ordinary usages of determining baptisms, deaths, marriages, etc., and tell us what happened in the past. They could transform the historical to the historic, the dry bones of facts to an active record which may be useful to us at present and in the future.












Rosario C. Lucero


Department of Filipino and Philippine Literature

College of Arts and Letters

University of the Philippines - Diliman




This paper introduces the Dulangan Manobo, one of the least documented. subtribes of the large Manobo tribe inhabiting most of Mindanao. It attempts an exploration of this tribe’s concept of self-identity relative to its place in the material and cosmic worlds, expressed through song and literature. Serving as backdrop for these narratives is a cursory description of the Dulangan Manobo’s history, social system, political system, and present conditions.


Summaries of ten traki nga duyuy or ‘narrative chants’ are presented in this paper, followed by a commentary focusing on the geographical details contained in the narratives. Mountains, plains, rivers, the boundary between earth and sky, and other such geographical features serve to rationalize the Dulangan Manobo’s state of being-in-this-world.


This research was conducted in the municipality of Kulaman and the village of Todog, both in the province of Sultan Kudarat, Mindanao. Three weeklong visits were made by this writer to these areas in October 2002, May 2003, and November 2003, primarily to record the duyuy nga traki or ‘narrative chants,’ performed by Lambay Bliyan, and to interact informally with the Dulangans.  The lingua franca in this area being Hiligaynon, this researcher’s first-language proficiency in the Hiligaynon language greatly facilitated interaction and the gathering of Dulangan oral literature.


It is hoped that the paper reading will generate some discussion on the similarities among mountain communities in northern and southern Luzon. The paper reading will be done along with a Power point presentation and a recording of the narrative chants.










 Santiago Albano Pilar


Department of Art Studies

College of Arts and Letters

University of the Philippines - Diliman



            This paper is the first of its kind to tackle the topic. The lecture is focused exclusively on the visual arts, like painting, sculpture, and printmaking, strictly the representational arts, but references will also be made to the functional arts. “Colonial” refers to the period from 1572, the year reckoned with the conquest of Ilocos by Juan de Salcedo and his forces to 1946, the symbolic granting of Philippine independence by the United States. “Ilocos,” on the other hand, refers only to Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, and La Union, the areas where this researcher conducted his studies although references will also be made to Abra, Isabela, Cagayan, and certain parts of Pangasinan.


            Part One review the current work, i.e., available data, on the topic. On account of the researcher’s extensive work on Philippine colonial painting in general, an outcome of archival readings and actual fieldwork, he has also gleaned data on the visual arts in the Ilocos region. One result of this was the pioneering article on the fourteen easel paintings on the Basi Revolt by Esteban Villanueva (“The Basi Warriors,” Archipelago III:29  (May 1976):19-26).


            Contrary to perception, the visual arts flourished in Ilocos as intensely as in other areas of the country. Artistsnative in the region, as well as those from other regions in search of commissions, produced numerous works to show that religious painting and portraiture flourished. And there was a santo-carving tradition in San Vicente, Ilocos Sur, that furnished carved religious images all over the Ilocos from the early 1800’s to the 1950s.Ilocano painters and carvers also exhibited their works in the Exposition Universelle de Paris (1862), the Exposición Regional de Filipinas (1895), and the Universal Exposition held in St. Louis, Missouri (1904).


            Part Two II discusses the methods of research in the art history. It introduces the nature and concerns of this field that is yet so frequently misunderstood – being confused with aesthetics and art criticism. Art history, like any other field of history is the reconstruction of the rise and development of styles based on the morphology and authenticity of the objects in question. Specific concerns, such as formal characteristics, identity of artists, and of authenticity, therefore arise that should be the focus of art historical research. With relation to the country’s current goals of nation-building, the reconstruction of Philippine art history is vital: awareness of the richness of the artistic cultural heritage inspires the citizens of a country toward a sense of nationhood and national discipline.









Rev. Fr. Apolonio M. Ranche

St. Andrew’s Theological Seminary

ECP Mission Center, Quezon City



            It has been a long time since there was a full-length study about the Iglesia Filipina Independiente, the nationalist church. It had been the dream of some historians, including this writer, to have one. In this new study, the role of the people in the foundation and early life of the church should be a basic ingredient. This is one area where the IFI Archives would be a rich source of materials.


            The daily ordinary activities of the people centered on the liturgy. The IFI Archives has some of the important documents related to the liturgy of the IFI. There is a wealth in of materials in the form of terms of books, pamphlets, liturgical calendars, and manuscripts of liturgical services. There are also related papers such as the reports of committees, formal correspondences, and some informal notes.


            The early doctrinal materials of the IFI provide the background for the nationalist content of the liturgy. One corollary element is the ecumenical relations entered into by this nationalist church. Is liturgy is one of the important influences in its waning nationalism. The evolution of its liturgy had been greatly shaped by outside influences. A story is contained in some of the correspondences, reports, and even informal notes related to this endeavor.


            A very important element of an updated history of the nationalist church should give space to the lesser personalities who also gave significant contributions to the life of the church. On an equal level, more space should be given to local areas where the church grew. Of the first, Simeon Mandac and Bishop Pedro Brillantes could be cited, both of whom are from Ilocos Norte, the place that should be a local area of special interest which some historians have labeled as the “cradle of Aglipyanism.” Another important personality who could be utilized as the springboard for a wider Ilocos area is Ramon Farolan of Abra.


            Such a study of the IFI giving space for Ilocos Norte and some of its noble sons could be a contribution to the enrichment and enlargement of the literature on the Ilocos Region.









Raymundo D.  Rovillos, Ph.D.

Katuwang na Propesor sa Kasaysayan

Unibersidad ng Pilipinas sa Baguio



Ang potograpiya ay nagsilbing daluyan ng kolonyal na representasyon hinggil sa Pilipinas.  Ang representasyon ay kumakatawan sa  kolonyal na ideohiya.  Kung sino man ang may kontrol sa moda ng representasyon ay siya rin ang nakakapagdomina.


Sa paglitrato ng malapitan sa mga katawan, pook, at kalikasan ng mga katutubo, ipinahiwatig ng litratista  na “naroon”  sila sa isang partikular na lugar at panahon.  Ang mga larawan ay makapangyarihang midyum upang patunayan ang mga “katotohanang” isinaad din ng  etnograpikong teksto.  Sa katunayan, naging mas makapangyarihan ang mga larawan kaysa sa teksto sa pagpapakilala sa mga katutubo sa kanluraning tagamasid. 


Ang  potograpiya ay maaring magbaluktot at pagpasama sa mga tao at lugar na kinunan ng litrato  sa paraang teknikal at sustantibo.  Ang kapirasong bahagi na “reyalidad” na  nakunan ng kamera  ay ipinakilala bilang representatibo ng kabuuang lipunan at kalinangan ng paksaing  tao/lipunan/bagay.   Kung tinitignan natin ang isang larawan, ang kagyat na nakakarating sa atin ay ang hulagyo (imahe),  hindi ang reyalidad.  Pagkatapos na sila ay hugutin mula sa kanilang konteksto, ang identidad ng mga nasa larawan ay binigyang “paliwanag” at binibigyan ng panibagong imahinasyon o kahulugan  sa mata ng mga tagamasid.


            Nagiging makahulugan ang mga larawan dahil sa  mga hayag at di-hayag na gawaing pampulitika at panlipunan kung saan nagaganap ang potograpiya—isang diskursibong sistema kung saan ang mga pagbibigay kahulugan ay  nagaganap. Subali’t upang maiwasan ang pagpapalaot sa teorya, kailangang i-ugnay ang representasyon sa larawan  sa mga etnograpikong  teksto hinggil sa tema ng kasarian at sekswalidad.


Sisipatin at susuriin sa papel na ito ang mga hulagyo (imahe) ng mga larawan ng mga Tinguian mula sa Album de Tipos Filipinos Luzon Norte (1891) at Illustración Filipina  (1870-1898).    Ang mga larawan sa Album na ito ay kuha ng Aleman na si Alexander Schadenberg.  Ang Illustración Filipina ay isang regular na publikasyon ng Museo Oriental sa Valladolid, Espanya.  Sampung (10) larawan ng mga Tinguian sa Abra/Kordilyera ang nagtanghal sa katawan at katauhan ng mga katutubo para sa mga Europeong tagamasid.  Maipapakita sa papel na ito na ang katawan ay nagsilbing larangan ng  pampulitikang  komprontasyon ng mga katutubo at  kolonyalismo.  Sa kabila ng eksotisasyon at paglikha sa katutubo bilang “Iba,” may natatagong subersibong potensyal ang mga nasa loob ng kuwadradong larawan. 










Delfin L. Tolentino, Jr.

Professor of Literature

Dean, College of Arts and Communication

University of the Philippines - Baguio



A relatively obscure novella by Isabelo de los Reyes provides the basis for this study on the intersections of fiction and history. Ang Singsing nang Dalagang Marmol, originally written in Tagalog and first published in 1905, is a peculiar work. Set against the backdrop of the Filipino-American War, this is a tale involving an enigmatic woman and an officer in the revolutionary army. The romantic plot, typical of the period, is given an unusual dimension by sketches of past events and allusions to historical figures.


Although he is the author of a volume on Filipino folklore and of a valuable piece of writing on the works of his equally illustrious mother, the Ilokano poet Leona Florentino, De los Reyes is known more for his historical writings and his role in the nationalist and labor movements. His incursion into fiction writing is, therefore, a curiosity. What could have prompted him to engage in imaginative writing at a time when the vernacular novel, as a distinct genre in Philippine literature, was still in its nascent stage? 


            This paper argues that the explanation lies in Isabelo de los Reyes’s decision to situate his story in the context of history, even if that history was fairly recent. In narrating the human consequences of historical events, he sought to affirm the status of fiction as another mode of political and moral intervention in a moment of crisis. Thus, like other early 20th century Tagalog novels with historical underpinnings (e.g., Ismael Amado’s Bulalakaw ng Pag-asa or Gabriel Beato Francisco’s historical trilogy), Singsing nang Dalagang Marmol brings in history not merely to exoticize a romantic plot but to critique the order of things.  









Stephen Henry S. Totanes, Ph.D.

Associate Professor

Department of History

Ateneo de Manila University



            Soon after the Augustinians friars began their evangelical work in the islands of Cebu, Panay and Luzon, including the Ilocos region in the north, in 1565 and the 1570s, a second group of Spanish missionaries, the Franciscans, began sustained evangelical work in southern Luzon and in the region known initially as Ibalon, and later, as Kabikolan.


            This paper describes the Spanish Franciscan missionary efforts in the Philippine Islands, which began with their arrival in 1578 and continued until the late 19th century, when they were forced to surrender jurisdiction over their parishes because of the Revolution against Spain and the United States, and subsequent American occupation in 1898. It focuses on the region of Kabikolan, on the southeastern portion of the main island of Luzon, where the capital, Manila, is located. This region became the seat of what came to be known in 1595 as the Diocesis de Nueva Caceres. For the first 17 years of their arrival in the islands, the Franciscan missionary efforts in Kabikolan were largely self-driven, albeit with strong support from the Bishop in Manila, some 400 kilometers away. By the time of the elevation of Manila to an Archbishopric in 1595 and the creation of the suffragan Diocese of Nueva Caceres and its counterpart in northern Luzon, the Diocese of Nueva Segovia, the Franciscans had established a string of mainstream parishes from these missions, along the coastlines of southeastern Luzon and the meandering Bikol river.


            For almost two centuries, the Franciscans organized native communities into towns, placed the natives bajo de la campana, built stone churches from the remnants of earlier wood and nipa structures, and defended these achievements from Muslim raiders from the south. By 1768, the Franciscan missions in Nueva Caceres were already thriving parishes, so the Franciscans entered a second mission area in the region of Eastern Visayas, among the inhabitants of the island of Samar. This paper analyzes these efforts in the context of similar Franciscan efforts in the southwestern portions of present-day United States, in the states of California, Texas, New Mexico and Arizona.

[1] For instance Candon, Cervantes, and Tagudin  in the Ilocos have long been considered gateways to the Cordillera.   The Kankanaey who live uphill recognize the historical significance of these places.  These could also be viewed as Ilocano access route of the uplands.